However, institutions are rarely static and they undergo changes induced by internal transformations of broader socioeconomic systems or by external influences or imposition, and in some cases by a combination of the two forces. Both can be identified as forms of governance. Changes in economic and political systems trigger the need for new institutional systems to manage the new economic and political systems, while endurance of economic and political systems foster durability of existing institutional systems. There is one constitution and one set of laws and rules for ordinary people, and quite other for the ruling family and the politically connected elite. Reconciling the parallel institutional systems is also unlikely to deliver the intended results in a short time; however, there may not be any better alternatives. With the dawn of colonialism in Africa, the traditional African government was sys-tematically weakened, and the strong and influential bond between traditional lead- . Finally, the chapter considers the future of the institution against the background of the many issues and challenges considered. This brief overview of conflict in Africa signals the severity of the security challenges to African governance, especially in those sub-regions that feature persistent and recurrent outbreaks of violence. Many African countries, Ghana and Uganda, for example, have, like all other states, formal institutions of the state and informal institutions (societal norms, customs, and practices). Hoover scholars offer analysis of current policy challenges and provide solutions on how America can advance freedom, peace, and prosperity. The balance of power between official and non-official actors will likely shift, as networked activists assert their ability to organize and take to the streets on behalf of diverse causes. Integration of traditional and modern governance systems in Africa. The African Charter embodies some of the human . The nature of governance is central because it determines whether the exercise of authority is viewed as legitimate. Other governance systems in the post-independence era and their unique features, if any. This article contends that postcolonial African traditional institutions lie in a continuum between the highly decentralized to the centralized systems and they all have resource allocation practices, conflict resolution and judicial systems, and decision-making practices, which are distinct from those of the state. The reasons why rural communities adhere to the traditional institutions are many (Logan, 2011; Mengisteab & Hagg, 2017). Admittedly, the problem is by no means uniquely African, but it is very commonly experienced in Africa. They include: Monarchs (absolute or constitutional): While the colonial state reduced most African kings to chiefs, a few survived as monarchs. If more leaders practice inclusive politics or find themselves chastened by the power of civil society to do so, this could point the way to better political outcomes in the region. In addition to these measures, reconciling fragmented institutions would be more successful when governments invest more resources in transforming the traditional socioeconomic space. Poor gender relations: Traditional institutions share some common weaknesses. Perhaps a more realistic transitional approach would be to reconcile the parallel institutions while simultaneously pursuing policies that transform traditional economic systems. Your current browser may not support copying via this button. Leaders may not be the only ones who support this definition of legitimacy. 1995 focuses on social, economic, and intellectual trends up to the end of the colonial era. This brief essay began by identifying the state-society gap as the central challenge for African governance. Many others choose the customary laws and conflict resolution mechanisms because they correspond better to their way of life. Regional governance comes into play here, and certain precedents may get set and then ratified by regional or sub-regional organizations. However, at the lower level of the hierarchy of the centralized system, the difference between the centralized and decentralized systems tends to narrow notably. Careful analysis suggests that African traditional institutions lie in a continuum between the highly decentralized to the centralized systems and they all have resource allocation practices, conflict resolution, judicial systems, and decision-making practices, which are distinct from those of the state. African political elites are more determined than ever to shape their own destiny, and they are doing so. In the centralized systems also, traditional leaders of various titles were reduced to chiefs and the colonial state modified notably the relations between the chiefs and their communities by making the chiefs accountable to the colonial state rather than to their communities (Coplan & Quinlan, 1997). They dispense justice, resolve conflicts, and enforce contracts, even though such services are conducted in different ways in different authority systems. Such a transformation would render traditional institutions dispensable. The Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (Alkire, Chatterjee, Conconi, Seth, & Vaz, 2014) estimates that the share of rural poverty to total poverty in sub-Saharan Africa is about 73.8%. The African state system has gradually developed a stronger indigenous quality only in the last twenty-five years or so. Recent developments add further complications to the region: (a) the collapse of Libya after 2011, spreading large quantities of arms and trained fighters across the broader Sahel region; (b) the gradual toll of desertification placing severe pressure on traditional herder/farmer relationships in places like Sudan and Nigeria; and, (c) the proliferation of local IS or Al Qaeda franchises in remote, under-governed spaces. Note that Maine and . All the characteristic features of a traditional society are, for obvious reasons, reflected in the education system. Most African countries have yet to develop carefully considered strategies of how to reconcile their fragmented institutional systems. The movement towards a formal state system is characterized by its emphasis on retribution and punishment. As a result, customary law, which often is not recognized by the state or is recognized only when it does not contradict the constitution, does not protect communities from possible transgressions by the state. If African political elite opinion converges with that of major external voices in favoring stabilization over liberal peacebuilding agendas, the implications for governance are fairly clear.17. The leaders in this system have significant powers, as they often are custodians of their communitys land and they dispense justice in their courts. The essay concludes with a sobering reflection on the challenge of achieving resilient governance. 2. (2005), customary systems operating outside of the state regime are often the dominant form of regulation and dispute resolution, covering up to 90% of the population in parts of Africa. He served as assistant secretary of state for African affairs from 1981 to 1989. But established and recognized forms of inherited rule cannot be lightly dismissed as un-modern, especially when linked to the identity of an ethnic or tribal group, and could be construed as a building block of legitimacy. It then analyzes the implications of the dual allegiance of the citizenry to chiefs and the government. Of the latter, 10 achieved the top rating of free, a conclusion close to ratings by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU).9 A more bullish reading drawn again from multiple sources is that over 60% of people in sub-Saharan Africa live in free or partly free countries, a situation that enabled a Brookings Institution study to conclude that the region [is] moving in fits and starts towards greater democratic consolidation.10 Countries absent from the apparent democratic wave missed its beginnings in the early and mid-1990s, became caught up in protracted or recurrent civil conflicts, or degenerated as a result of electoral violence or big men patrimonialism. 28, (1984) pp. Even old-fashioned tyrants learn that inclusion or co-option are expensive. The third section deals with the post-colonial period and discusses some problems associated with African administration. While comprehensive empirical studies on the magnitude of adherence to traditional institutions are lacking, some studies point out that most people in rural areas prefer the judicial service provided by traditional institutions to those of the state, for a variety of reasons (Logan, 2011; Mengisteab & Hagg, 2017). These dynamics often lead to increased state fragility or the re-authoritarianization of once more participatory governance systems.12 The trend is sometimes, ironically, promoted by western firms and governments more interested in commercial access and getting along with existing governments than with durable political and economic development. However, there are customs and various arrangements that restrain their power. These communities select the Aba Gada, who serves a nonrenewable term of 8 years as leader. Yet, governments are expected to govern and make decisions after consulting relevant stakeholders. The Alafin as the political head of the empire was . Contents 1. The result is transitory resilience of the regime, but shaky political stability, declining cohesion, and eventual conflict or violent change. This outline leads us to examine more closely the sources of legitimacy in African governance systems. Obstruction of nation-building: Nation-building entails a process of integrating different segments of the citizenry to form a community of citizens under shared institutions. Broadly speaking, indigenous systems of governance are those that were practiced by local populations in pre-colonial times. The leader is accountable to various levels of elders, who serve as legislators and as judges (Legesse, 1973; Taa, 2017). For example, the electoral college forces a republic type of voting system. One layer represents the formal institutions (laws) of the state. the system even after independence. Africa contains more sovereign nations than any other continent, with 54 countries compared to Asia's 47. In Module Seven A: African History, you explored the histories of a wide diversity of pre-colonial African societies. According to the African Development Bank, good governance should be built on a foundation of (I) effective states, (ii) mobilized civil societies, and (iii) an efficient private sector. The structures of leadership of African traditional institutions are diverse and they have yet to be mapped out comprehensively. Cookie Settings. They are already governing much of rural Africa. Should inclusion be an ongoing process or a single event? Most of the states that had attempted to abolish chieftaincy have retracted the abolitionist decrees and reinstated chiefs. Subsequent to the colonial experience, traditional institutions may be considered to be informal institutions in the sense that they are often not sanctioned by the state. The institution of traditional leadership in Africa pre-existed both the colonial and apartheid systems and was the only known system of governance among indigenous people. Paramount chiefs: Another category of leadership structure is that of hereditary paramount chieftaincy with various traditional titles and various levels of accountability. Somalilands strategy has brought traditional leaders into an active role in the countrys formal governance by creating an upper house in parliament, the Guurti, where traditional leaders exercise the power of approving all bills drafted by the lower house of parliament. Botswanas strategy has largely revolved around integrating parallel judicial systems. An alternative strategy of bringing about institutional harmony would be to transform the traditional economic systems into an exchange-based economy that would be compatible with the formal institutions of the state.
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